In September 2021 parliamentary elections were held in Morocco. The elections were won by the liberal National Rally of Independents (RNI) party. The party managed to win 102 out of the 395 seats in parliament. The secular and royalist Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM) became the second largest in parliament with 87 seats. PAM was followed by the conservative Istiqal party with 81 seats. The Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) became the fourth biggest party, winning 34 seats. The USFP remains the largest left-wing party in parliament. After the elections, Morocco’s king picked Aziz Akhannouch from the RNI as prime minister and tasked him with forming a government. A coalition was formed between RNI, PAM and Istiqal. Together they hold a majority of 207 out of 395 seats in parliament.
The win of the RNI showed a big change in the political landscape of Morocco. The elections in 2006 and 2011 had both been won by the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD). However during the elections of 2021 the PJD suffered a major loss. The party only managed to win 13 seats in parliament, a large decrease from the 125 seats that the party held after the elections in 2016. The PJD responded to the election outcome by making the accusation of vote-buying by rival parties. The PJD had now moved into parliament as an opposition party.
The current King, Mohamed VI, came into power after the death of his father, King Hassan II, in 1999. While King Hassan II was an autocratic ruler, King Mohamed VI appears to have a different vision for Morocco’s future. Under his leadership, there seems to be a tendency towards more democratic and liberal values in Morocco. Mohamed VI has stressed the need for social and economic reform and the need to tackle problems like poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment. However, the space for civil society organisations is shrinking. Freedom House reported that while civil society organsations are active in Morocco, they are subjected to legal harassment travel restrictions, intrusive surveillance and other acts that limit their work. Authorities also routinely deny the registration of non-government organisations that assert the rights of marginalized communities, and organization with links to Islamist Justice and Charity association.
Morocco’s political system is carefully evolving from a strongly centralised monarchy to a parliamentary system. The King retains much of the executive power, but the parliament is democratically elected. However, democratic gestures and programmes do not mean that any real democratisation is taking place. King Mohamed VI has, next to economic and social reforms, also reinforced his own power base by strengthening the army and placing members of his inner circle at important positions in the government. In 2001, a decentralisation process was launched. The local governors, appointed by the King, have achieved more power and that is why this is considered by critics to be a well-groomed way of the King to expand his power.
Another way the King still yields power is his influence over the formation of coalition governments. After the elections in 2021, the King appointed Aziz Akhannouch from the RNI as Prime Minister and gave him the task of forming a government. Akhannouch is one of the richest men in Morocco, with a fortune that is estimated to be around 2 billion dollar. During the election, the RNI represented itself as a champion of social and economic reforms. The party is seen as close to the royal establishment, with Akhannouch declaring that he would implement ‘’his majesty’s vision’’ in a speech after the election results were declared. The RNI was widely perceived as being favored by the monarchy and the authorities during the parliamentary elections in 2021. The RNI has formed a coalition with PAM and Istiqal.
Western Sahara
Western Sahara is a sparsely-populated area of mostly desert situated on the northwest coast of Africa. A former Spanish colony, it was annexed by Morocco in 1975. Since then it has been the subject of a long-running territorial dispute between Morocco and its indigenous Saharawi people, led by the Polisario Front. A 16-year-long insurgency ended with an UN-brokered truce in 1991 and the promise of a referendum on independence which has yet to take place. Since 1991 two-thirds of the territory (including most of the Atlantic coastline – ) has been administered by the Moroccan government, with tacit support from France and the United States, and the remainder by the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), backed by Algeria. The Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), declared by the Polisario Front in 1976, is now recognised by many governments and is a full member of the African Union.
Lately, international opinion seems to be shifting towards the Moroccan stance in the Western Sahara issue. Various European countries, such as Spain and the Netherlands have expressed their solidarity with the Moroccan plan for the region – meaning that the Western Sahara becomes an autonomous region within the Moroccan state. The Polisario and its ally Algeria reacted furious to these latest developments.
Hirak Rif
After the death of a Rif fishmonger in 2016 protests erupted in the Rif region in northern Morocco. Protestors demanded more liberty, security and social benefits in the region. The Rif region is populated by Berber tribes that have a distinctive culture. During the twentieth century, multiple movements have tried to gain more autonomy of even independence for the Rif. Although their language and identity are guaranteed by the Moroccan constitution, they are widely considered to be a marginalized group. Corruption, crime and high unemployment plague the region. Discontent with the central government has therefore been high. The Moroccan government reacted to the protests with a violent crackdown. Security forces have ended protests and arrested even teenagers. The King has blamed his ministers mainly for the current situation in the Rif. According to the Palace, the King is often misinformed over-ambitious projects to resolve the problems. Abroad the protests have found a lot of support. European Moroccans have protested in front of Moroccan embassies. The Rif is currently under the strict control of the security services. A court in Casablanca sentenced Nasser Zefzafi, the leader of a protest movement the Hirak el-Shaabi, or Popular Movement in the Rif has been sentenced to 20 years in prison.
Moroccan protests 2011
The Arab revolution of 2011 also hit Morocco. On 20 February thousands of Moroccans joined nationwide protests in which they were calling for political reforms. They demanded King Mohammed VI to hand over some of his powers to a newly elected government and make the justice system more independent.
Inspired by the pro-democracy protests in the Arab world, a group called the February 20 Movement was formed. It takes its name from the date of its first demonstration and has faced tough resistance from the state security forces. The February 20 Movement is a youth-led network from various ideological backgrounds. Relying mostly on the internet, the group pressed King Mohammed to establish a parliamentary monarchy, enforce accountability, and grant the judiciary full independence.
On 9 March 2011, King Mohammed VI promised ‘comprehensive constitutional reform’ in Morocco and announced the establishment of the committee to work on the constitutional revisions, with proposals to be made to him by June that year. The monarch promised to hand over the power to appoint the prime minister to the parliament, and to provide Morocco’s regions with greater authority, saying it would help consolidate ‘our [Morocco’s] model of democracy and development’.
Despite the King’s guarantees, the demonstrations continued. On 22 May of that year, Moroccan protesters, led by the February 20 movement, took the streets in Rabat, Casablanca, Tangiers and Agadir. In a televised speech on 17 June 2011, King Mohammed VI announced a series of constitutional reforms, to be put to a national referendum on 1 July. However, on 19 June about 10,000 protesters rallied in Casablanca against the proposed changes, which they said did not go far enough. The 20 February Movement also rallied in other Moroccan cities, calling for a truly democratic constitution.
Constitutional referendum of July 2011
A national referendum was held on 1 July 2011. Following its results, constitutional amendments were introduced. The new constitution ensures that the prime minister is selected from the party that received the most votes in the elections, rather than chosen by the king. The prime minister becomes the ‘President of the Government’ and can appoint government officials – an authority previously held by the king. The new prime minister is also able to dissolve the parliament, the role previously accorded only to Mohammed VI. However, the king remains a key power-broker in the security, military and religious fields. The king continues to chair two key councils – the Council of Ministers and the Supreme Security Council – which deals with the security policy. The prime minister can chair these councils, but only using an agenda set by the king.
The voting system was also changed; the number of parliamentary seats decided on a constituency basis was increased from 295 to 305. Additional seats were reserved for the election from national party lists, 60 consisting only of female candidates and 30 for male candidates under the age of 40.
The new reforms were seen as legitimate by the Interior Ministry, according to which 98 percent of those who took part in the referendum on 1 July voted “yes” (turnout was estimated at 73 percent). However, the opposition said the turnout figure looked inflated and alleged irregularities in voting procedures. The result also followed a state media campaign in favour of the “yes” vote that appealed to a widespread sense of loyalty to the King, who is head of the Arab world’s longest-serving dynasty. Furthermore, protesters in Morocco do not think the changes went far enough. On 3 July the February 20 Movement took to the streets, rejecting the amended constitution.
Amendment of the electoral law
In March 2021 a new electoral law was adopted that changed the calculation of the quota for elected officials. Previously, the seats in parliament were determined based on the total number of valid ballots during that election. However, with the new law the electoral quotient will be based on the total number of people who are eligible to vote, meaning people who subscribed to electoral lists, instead of on the number of people who actually vote.
With this new amendment the denominator has become much larger, since the number of registered voters can be substantially larger than the number of valid ballots from people who actually go and vote. As a consequence, parties need to gain a much larger number of votes in order to meet the threshold to gain a seat. In Morocco, members in parliament are elected via electoral constituencies. This means that seats in parliament can be won in specified voting districts. With the new law, it is harder for parties to gain more than one seat per voting district. Small parties, on the contrary, will have more chance of being rewarded with a seat.
Parliamentary elections
The Moroccan elections on the 8th of September 2021 have resulted in major win for the liberal National Rally of Independents (RNI) party. They managed to win 102 out of 395 seats in parliament. The centre-right Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM) is the second biggest party, winning 87 seats in parliament, while the conservative Istiqal party won 81 seats. The Justice and Development Party (JDP), which has led the government since 2011, only managed to win 13 seats. This is a major change from the previous elections in 2016, where the JDP won 125 seats.
On the left side of the political spectrum the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP) gained 34 seats, becoming the fourth biggest party in Parliament. The Party of Progress and Socialism managed to win 22 seats. The Unified Socialist Party (PSU), led by Nabila Mounib, managed to win one seat. At the end of July the PSU separated from Federation of the Democratic Left (FGD). The FGD also won one seat in the elections. The win of the RNI did not come as a surprise to many, since the party was favored by the Monarchy and by the authorities. The voter turnout rate of the legislative, regional and local elections reached 50.35 percent. This is higher than the 43 percent turnout in the 2016 elections, and the 45 percent turnout in the 2011 elections.
Regional and municipal elections
For the first time in Morocco’s history, the regional and municipal elections took place on the same day as the parliamentary elections. Namely, the 8th of September 2021. Similar to the parliamentary elections, the regional and municipal elections also saw a major win for the National Rally of Independents (RNI) and the Authenticity and Modernity party (PAM). Like in the national elections, the Justice and Development party suffered a loss in the regional and municipal elections.
Elections monitoring
Evidence of ballot manipulation has surfaced in relation to the parliamentary elections. According to the Moroccan High Commission of Planning, two-thirds of the voters that were registered to vote were residents of villages and desert towns. However, the proportion of the age group eligible to vote of the rural population does not exceed 33.9 percent. This raised suspicion of ballot manipulation. Furthermore, the records in the election offices in major cities were not shared with party representatives. This has led to doubts concerning the integrity of the elections.
A delegation from the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe observed the regional and municipal elections which were held on 8 September. According to the delegation, which monitored in two regions, the elections were calm, orderly and transparent overall. They did conclude some procedural inconsistencies, in particular during the closing of the polling stations and the counting. Furthermore, the combined national and regional elections posed challenges due to lack of clear guidelines regarding the electoral procedures.
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