Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic, whereby the Prime Minister of Kosovo is the head of government, and the President of Kosovo is the head of state. Until 2012 the EU deployed, in cooperation with the International Steering Group for Kosovo a European Union Special Representative who was the final authority in regards to the interpretation of the Ahtisaari plan. This was a special International Civilian Representative in Kosovo who was supported by the International Civilian Office and had the “ability to annul decisions or laws adopted by Kosovo authorities and sanction and remove public officials whose actions he/she determines to be inconsistent” with the Ahtisaari Plan. Since 2012 Kosovo has been responsible for overseeing its own governance.

The Kosovo Assembly, which was constituted as part of the UNMIK regulations on the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government, consists of 120 seats of which a maximum of 100 are distributed proportionally among the political parties based on the number of votes. Twenty additional seats are reserved for non-Albanian communities, of whom the Serbs can claim 10. Kosovo is a single electoral district. The Assembly elects the country’s President for a five-year term. The 2011 election of Behgjet Pacolli as President of Kosovo was ruled invalid and he was replaced by outsider Atifete Jahjaga. The Assembly decided to reform the electoral code to allow for the President to be elected by popular vote. This renewal was in place for the presidential elections of 2016, which was won by Hashim Thaçi, of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), but resigned already on 5 November 2020 after the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor’s Office in the Hague confirmed a war crime indictment against him. He was succeeded in 2021 by Vjosa Osmani (Guxo), who as Speaker of the Assembly had already replaced Thaçi in an acting capacity.

In 2015, Kosovo and Serbia signed an agreement on the normalisation of relations between both countries to enhance the EU accession processes of both countries included deals on energy, telecommunications, the bridge that divides the town of Mitrovica into a Serbian and

Albanian part and the Association of Serbian Municipalities (ASM). The ASM will be “a legal entity defined by a statute and will to promote the interests of the Kosovo Serb community in its relations with the Kosovo central authorities.” According to the plan, 10 municipalities with a Serbian majority will have their own assembly with an elected president, and with their own flag, but will be subject to Kosovo law.

1.1: Kosovo-Serbia relations

As a consequence of the ongoing tensions, the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina was put on hold by the Serbian government, but since Serbia became an EU candidate state in 2013, more EU pressure was put on Serbia to achieve progress. The dialogue between the two countries intensified in 2018. To normalise the relationship, the presidents of Serbia and Kosovo, Aleksandar Vucic (Serbian Progressive Party, SNS) and former President Hashim Thaçi (Democratic Party of Kosovo, PDK), proposed a territorial exchange, with the North of Kosovo being added to Serbia and the Preševo Valley of Serbia with an ethnic Albanian majority to Kosovo. The proposal was designed to enhance EU integration of both Serbia and Kosovo and to promote complete normalisation of Kosovo-Serbia relations. The plan was eventually cancelled due to fierce resistance from the opposition in Kosovo against the proposal. In 2020, Prime Minister of Kosovo Albin Kurti rejected the idea of a so-called land swap with Serbia.

Tensions between Kosovo and Serbia raised again after the denial of Interpol accession of Kosovo, for which Pristina blames Belgrade. Serbia has welcomed the denial of Kosovo, which was the third rejection after previous membership applications in 2015 and 2016.A day after the rejection, Kosovo Prime Minister at the time, Ramush Haradinaj, announced that taxes on import goods from Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina would rise from 10% to 100%. The earlier announced 10%was a reaction to what Kosovo considers unfriendly behavior and a hostile attitude towards Kosovo. The EU urged Kosovo to revoke the decision of the import tariff because of it being a violation of the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA). After the tariffs, lawmakers in Kosovo passed legislation to build a full-fledged army; a move that has inflamed tensions with Serbia again. The legislation will double the size of the Kosovo Security Force and gradually transform it into a professional army of 5,000 troops. At a UN Security Council session the Serbian President, Aleksandar Vucic, claimed it would jeopardise peace.

In the fall of 2020 Kosovo and Serbia seemed to be taking several steps in the right direction, as Kosovar- and Serbian delegates were summoned to the White House by President Donald Trump. Under the supervision of the United States, representatives of the two countries were negotiating on the normalisation of relations between the countries. In the end only some minor economic agreements were signed and little was left of the perceived momentum.

The end of 2020 proved a turning point for the country’s politics, after several unstable political years. Early elections were already called in 2017 and 2019, with several governing coalitions preceding each other. The governing coalition of the Self-determination movement (Vetëvendosje) and Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) fell amid the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. The government under Vetëvendosje Prime Minister Albin Kurti was ousted after a no-confidence vote following disagreements on the government’s handling of the COVID-19 health crisis in Kosovo.

The LDK formed a new coalition with several minor parties, which was installed in June of 2020. This government was also short lived. Because one of the 61 MPs, out of a total of 120 MPs, who voted in favour of the government’s instalment had previously served prison time, the court rendered his vote illegal. Without his vote, the installment of the government did not pass with a majoirty of the votes. As a consequence, early elections were called by the country’s acting President Vjosa Osmani. She was installed after the International Court in The Hague charged Kosovo’s previous president Thaçi for “crimes against humanity and war crimes” during the 2008 Kosovan war for independence.

With the big election win of Vetëvendosje in the 2021 parliamentary elections, normalisation of relations between Kosovo and Serbia might be further away than ever. Vetëvendosje leader Albin Kurti is expected to take a hard stance in the negotiation process with Serbia. He even stated that he is a proponent of Kosovo joining Albania, which is the opposite of what Serbia wants.

In Novemeber 2022, tensions in Kosovo intensified by collective resignations of Serbs in public positions. In December 2022, Kosovo authorities postponed local elections that were due to take place on 18 December 2022 in four municipalities with a predominantly Serb community until 23 April 2023. It is was a frantic attempt by Kosovo to defuse tensions with ethnic Serbs in the north of the country.

On 23 April, elections took place in northern Kosovo in four municipalities. It recorded the lowest turnout ever in the country’s history at just 3.47%. Pro-Serbian political parties had boycotted these local elections, resulting in the incredibly low turnout. The voting districts are largely inhabited by Kosovar Serbs. Serbian List, the largest party of Serbs in Kosovo announced the boycott of the elections, and Serbian institutions made numerous calls for Kosovar Serbs to do the same. They stated: “We call on Serbs in the north of Kosovo to remain calm on April 23, and not be deceived by the provocations of the Albin Kurti regime, whose sole purpose is to drive the Serbs out of northern Kosovo by holding these elections”.

Despite this alarmingly low turnout, the government in Pristina decided to move along with the results. Vetëvendosje won in North Mitrovica and Leposavic, while the opposition Democratic Party of Kosovo achieved victory in Zvečan and Zubin Potok. Protests from pro-Serbian political leaders began with the swearing-in of Erden Atiq – the designated mayor of North Mitrovica – with the pro-Serbian leaders branding it an “invasion of the north.” The remaining three mayors were sworn in on 25 May.

One day later – as the newly sworn in mayors attempted to enter their offices – it became clear that the ethnically Serb population would not simply leave it at that: protestors clashed with police escorting the mayors. Five policemen were injured as a result. Attempts by the US and several EU countries to de-escalate would prove to be futile, as a large-scale clash with police and the NATO-led peacekeeping force KFOR occurred on 29 May. No less than 25 KFOR-soldiers and 50 protestors were wounded during these riots. Journalists were reportedly attacked as well by the protestors. Some masked protestors were even seen spray-painting the letter “Z” – a symbol of support for the Russian invasion of Ukraine – on buildings and vehicles.

In July 2023, Kosovo’s government announced that it will reduce by one-quarter the number of special police deployed
around administrative buildings in the ethnic Serb-majority north and organise fresh mayoral elections in four northern
municipalities as part of measures to de-escalate simmering tensions with neighbouring Serbia.

1.2: EU-Kosovo relations

Kosovo has had an association agreement with the EU since 2016 and applied for EU membership in December 2022, last in the region. Since then, it has been a “potential candidate”. According to the European Commission’s 2023 report, Kosovo should make more efforts to ‘normalise’ its relationship with Serbia: “Normalisation of relations is an essential prerequisite on the European path of both sides and both sides risk losing important opportunities if no progress is made.” Disagreements around local elections, number plates and military build-up at the border as a result of an attack, have recently put the relationship under great strain. Independence and efficiency of the judicial system are not yet guaranteed. Implementation of anti-corruption laws and legislation against organised crime has proven limited. Freedom of expression is still a concern, especially in northern Kosovo, where physical threats and hatred are a reality. The economy has proven resilient during the inflation crisis, but is still partly tainted by the informal sector and corruption. Kosovo has made progress in creating a functioning market economy.
Kosovo’s EU membership still has a very big bump in the road, namely that all current member states must agree to join. Currently, five EU member states do not recognise Kosovo as an independent state.

1.3: Social Democracy in Kosovo

In Kosovo, social democracy has always been overshadowed by the nationalist struggle for autonomy and later for independence.

In recent years, a few social-democratic political parties have emerged, such as the Kosovo Social Democratic Party, Reformist Party ORA, and New Spirit (FER). However, due to the political situation, these parties do not have much popular support and have merged with stronger political parties which focus more on territorial integrity and the independence of Kosovo. Politics in Kosovo is often more about personalities than policy, with ideology for the most part reserved to the national question, while social policy is mostly developed without serious political debate.

Nowadays Vetëvendosje is considered as the best alternative on the left and the only party that is trying to develop and implement social democratic policies. At the same time, international partners are not eager to engage in cooperation with Vetëvendosje because of their behaviour in and outside the parliament and nationalistic views. The party is still open to the option of Kosovo joining Albania. The Social Democratic Party (PSD) only existed on paper in the past ten years, but in 2018 9 MPs and the Major of

Pristina reestablished the PSD after they split from the Vetëvendosje party. In recent elections, the PSD ran together with the Alliance for Future of Kosovo party. They managed to get 11,57 per cent of the votes resulting in 14 seats in the parliament. After the 2021 parliamentary elections the party is no longer represented in Kosovo’s assembly. Vetëvendosje was the election’s big winner and is hoping to improve the country’s economy by implementing social policies.

1.4: Serbs in Kosovo

About 8 per cent of the population of Kosovo is Serbian. The Serb population of Kosovo is concentrated in its northern and southern areas. Serbs in the south generally live in enclaves that are separated from the Albanian territories by roadblocks and/or bridges. Especially the divided town of Mitrovica experiences tensions, causing a temporary closure of the bridge between the Southern Albanian dominated area and the Northern Serb dominated area. About 18 per cent of the Kosovo Serbs live north of the river Ibar in North Mitrovica. The place has a strong symbolic meaning to Serbs, as it is the only Serbian urban centre in Kosovo with a university and hospital. In March 2004 inter-ethnic violence, leaving 20 dead, further harmed the relation between Serbs and Kosovars. The outburst of violence became a point of reference for the vulnerability of the relations between the ethnic groups. At least 800 mainly Serbian homes and at least 17 Serbian religious buildings were destroyed or damaged. The call for independence in 2008 also led to riots in the north of Kosovo. Kosovo Serbs consider the declaration of independence by Pristina illegal, and a breach of international law.

During the past years, the Serbs in Serbia as well as in Kosovo have harshly criticised the failure of UNMIK and KFOR to protect the Serb population in Kosovo. Especially the removal of control posts has been a reason for fear. Personal security and freedom are the dominant concerns for the Serbian community in Kosovo. Improving the situation of the Serbian communities was one of the main points on the agenda during the status negotiations, and remains an important topic that is held under scrutiny by the international community. The Serb community is mostly concentrated in the north of Kosovo, but there are also several enclaves in the centre and south of Kosovo with a Serb majority. Because the Serbs in these enclaves are more isolated from Serbia and therefore have more connections with the ethnic Albanians they show more willingness to integrate, despite many problems and a reluctance to accept Kosovo authorities remaining.

The Serb political community is represented by the Serb list which is backed by Belgrade. Serb opposition parties have tried to gain support from local Serbs, but intimidation and even the killing of opposition figure Oliver Ivanovic have caused the Serb list to remain dominant, getting all 10 seats reserved for the Serb minority in the last elections. Oliver Ivanovic decided to run in the 2017 Kosovan local elections, with his civic initiative “SDP”. During his campaign, he publicly criticised the Serbian government for supporting the Serb list. Four days before the assassination, Ivanovic confessed he feared for his safety. In the recent parliamentary elections, his PSD party announced it would cooperate with the Serb List, sparking anger amongst prominent PSD members, causing many to leave the PSD.

1.5: EULEX

With Kosovo’s call for independence in 2008 UNMIK ended and a new European Union Rule of Law Mission (EULEX) took over. EULEX aims to assist and support Kosovo authorities in the area of rule of law, specifically concerning the police, judiciary and customs. EULEX is a technical mission which monitors, mentors and advises whilst retaining a number of limited executive powers. The EULEX mission has been hindered in its functioning by the fact that only 22 out of 27 EU member states have recognised Kosovo as independent, leading to internal division. The mission is therefore often criticised for being inefficient in establishing a fully functioning rule of law.

In 2014 corruption allegations were made after EULEX prosecutor Maria Bamieh was quoted in a Kosovar newspaper, saying that the EULEX’s internal investigation failed to have key suspects questioned and that they were still allowed to work on sensitive cases. Among others, she accused former judge, Francesco Florit, of taking a 300,000 Euro bribe. In 2015 a report reviewing EULEX Kosovo mandate implementation with a focus on the handling of the corruption allegations was published, which found no evidence of corruption. The EU has started to stay committed to its leading role in Kosovo and considers the establishment of the rule of law the top priority. After demands were made for the EU to either withdraw or reform the EULEX mandate, EULEX refocused its efforts in June 2018, bringing its judicial executive part to an end while remaining active in other tasks.

1.6: Independence and recognition

In an extraordinary parliamentary session in Pristina on 17 February 2008, Kosovo unilaterally declared its independence from Serbia. Hashim Thaçi, Prime Minister of Kosovo at that point, read the declaration of independence, which stated that Kosovo is dedicated to peace and stability in the region, and is looking for a good relationship with its neighbours. The declaration furthermore states that Kosovo is created along the lines of a UN plan drawn up by special representative Martti Ahtisaari, calling Kosovo’s independence to be supervised by the international community. Serbia is strongly opposed against recognition of Kosovo as a sovereign state. According to the Serbian government, a solution for Kosovo must be found in a mutual agreement between both countries.

As of 4 September 2020, 110 UN states have recognised Kosovo’s independence.. Meanwhile, 22 out of 27 EU member states recognise the independence; Spain, Cyprus, Greece, Slovakia and Romania have not done so, mainly due to issues with minorities and separatist movements in their own respective countries. Among the NATO member states, 26 out of 30 countries have recognised Kosovo’s independence. Kosovo is a member of the IMF and the World Bank and accession of Kosovo is on the the current agenda of future enlargement of the EU. Simultaneously, Kosovo has requested to join the NATO. In 2020, Kosovo and Serbia signed separate documents in which Serbia pledged to suspend it efforts to encourage non-recognition of Kosovo to other states, while Kosovo agreed to not seek accession to new international organisations during the same period.

1.7: UNMIK

The executive rule of Kosovo has, until its call for independence in 2008, been under the guidance of the United Nations, though officially being part of Serbia. Kosovo was administered by the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG). The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 placed Kosovo under transitional UN administration pending a determination of Kosovo’s future status. This Resolution entrusted UNMIK with sweeping powers to govern Kosovo, but also directed UNMIK to establish interim institutions of self-governance. Since 2001 UNMIK gradually transferred governing power to local institutions.

UNMIK initially brought together four pillars under UN leadership: Humanitarian Affairs under the responsibility of the UNHCR, Civil

Administration of the UN, Democratization and Institution-building of the OSCE, and Economic Reconstruction, Recovery and Development of the European Union (EU). With the emergency stage over, pillar I (Humanitarian Affairs), was phased out at the end of June 2000. In May 2001 a new pillar I was created to be responsible for Police and Justice under the UN. To establish and maintain security in Kosovo, NATO-led international forces with a UN mandate were deployed (KFOR).

1.8: Kosovo war

Tensions between the Serbian and Albanian communities in Kosovo simmered throughout the 20th century and occasionally erupted into major violence, particularly during the First Balkan War, World War I, and World War II. The Socialist government of Josip Tito systematically repressed nationalist manifestations throughout Yugoslavia, seeking to ensure that no republic or nationality gained dominance over the others. After the death of Tito nationalist feelings became dominant again, especially among ethnic Albanians living in Kosovo, leading to an increasingly poisonous atmosphere between Albanians and Serbs.

Tensions further increased when the autonomy that was given to Kosovo in the ’80s was revoked under the rule of Slobodan Milošević. In 1991 an unofficial referendum was held in Kosovo on the creation of an independent republic, 98 per cent voted in favour with a 90 per cent turnout. The denial of Kosovo’s independence by the Serb government led to an increase in violence between the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the Serb authorities and finally to a situation of war in 1997. The international community demanded that the Serbs would end their offensives against the KLA whilst attempting to convince the KLA to drop their bid for independence. Moreover, attempts were made to persuade Milošević to permit NATO peacekeeping troops to enter Kosovo.

The failure of peace negotiations led to a NATO decision in 1999 to end the conflict with military means. Within ten weeks, NATO aircraft flew over 38,000 combat missions with the following aim: “Serbs out, peacekeepers in, refugees back”. On June 3, 1999, Milošević accepted the terms of an international peace plan to end the fighting, with the Serbian parliament adopting the proposal amid contentious debate with delegates coming close to fistfights at some points. According to the Kosovo Memory Book, based on the study of an NGO from both Kosovo and Serbia, around 13,000 people were killed during the conflict.