As the state has turned into a strong authoritarian presidential republic under the rule of Lukashenko, presidential elections are the most important in Belarus. In part, this is related to the crackdown by the Lukashenko administration on opposition structures after the presidential election of 2010 and the overall internal situation in the country, which is not conducive to independent initiatives. Unfortunately, there is no indication that this situation will soon change. Changes made to the electoral code, which have been in force since December 2013, criminalise election boycotting. Key features of the Belarusian electoral process remained unaffected: neither the existing legislation nor its implementation provides the basis for free and fair elections. The authorities remained reluctant to conduct structural reforms considering the uncertain future of financial transfers from Moscow, particularly as Russia’s own economic situation worsened. Corruption remains a serious problem in the country as well. However, existing practices and planned legislative changes confirm the government’s agenda to identify and punish corrupt officials, rather than prevent and eradicate corruption as a sociopolitical phenomenon. Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2022 has ranked Belarus 91 out of 180 countries and is thereby considered rather corrupt.

The whole system in Belarus is set up to facilitate Lukashenko’s presidency. Repressive laws against the opposition and protesters prevent the possibility of real democracy. Moreover, the strong centralisation in the domestic economy and the direct influence of state institutions on the (leadership) of businesses are designed to keep Lukashenko in power. In Belarus, for example, it is illegal to be unemployed, while criticism of the regime is ground for dismissal. Unemployment leads to an increase in rent and utility costs, which are also managed by the state.

Political rights and civil liberties

Systematic violation of human rights, in particular civil and political rights, continues in Belarus. Peaceful protesters are repeatedly arrested and sentenced to short periods of detention. The authorities continue to use arbitrary detentions, searches, interrogations, and misdemeanour charges on bogus grounds to harass and intimidate government critics, especially journalists and opposition activists. There are new cases of political prisoners, including those arrested after the protests following the presidential election in 2020, as well as the striking example of Roman Protasevich, editor of the opposition channel NEXTA. Protasevich was travelling in an airplane that flew over Belarussian airspace from Athens to Vilnius when the airplane was forced to land in Belarus due to non-existent bomb threats. Subsequently, Protasevich was arrested and imprisoned in Belarus. Mikola Statkevich himself was also arrested again several times after participating in protests. He is currently imprisoned in Belarus.

The use of the death penalty continues. Belarus is the only country in Europe that still has capital punishment. It has executed at least ten people since 2017. The Freedom House has evaluated political rights and civil liberties in Belarus with a 6.5 (1 being the most free and 7 the least free). Moreover, human rights violations are widespread in prisons and labour camps, where forced labour, sexual abuse, and disregard for basic needs take place, according to several human rights organisations.

Freedom of expression is severely restricted. The media remains largely under state control and is used to smear political opponents and vilify the West. Independent media outlets are harassed – including searches of their offices – and bloggers, online activists, and journalists are subjected to administrative and criminal prosecution. Independent media and journalists are mostly labelled as extremists or terrorists by the regime. They may receive severe penalties through that procedure. Consequently, independent Belarusian media has established itself mainly in Lithuania and Poland. State-run distribution outlets refuse to disseminate independent periodicals and internet activity remains closely monitored and controlled, especially after the parliament adopted amendments to the media law, enabling the Ministry of Information to shut down online news outlets. The authorities recently started using an article of the Administrative Code on “unlawful creation and dissemination of mass media produce” to prosecute freelance journalists writing for media outlets based outside Belarus, claiming that they require formal accreditation as foreign journalists with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Belarus is ranked 157 out of 180 countries in the 2023 World Press Freedom Index, giving the country a very bad reputation in terms of its press freedom record.

Simultaneously, Lukashenko continued his crackdown on actors in civil society, forcing many organisations to either dissolve or continue their operations in exile. People who are part of such organisations (for example in the fields of human rights advocacy) are prosecuted and imprisoned. Civil society played a huge part in supporting the 2020 protests and addressing injustices occurring during the response by the police, which used methods of violence and brutality to break down peaceful protests. In addition to civil society actors, parts of the private sector, specifically the IT industry, have faced repression from the regime as well for their participation (and their employee’s participation) in the protests. The IT sector was crucial in designing applications and tools for protesters to record injustices and communicate with one another. Through unrightfully evicting the companies from their property, imprisonment, and vilification in national media, Lukashenko’s administration attempts to obstruct the IT sector and civil society from protecting their political and civil rights.

February 2022 and onwards – Constitutional amendments and new repressive laws

Belarus approved a controversial amendment to its constitution, in a referendum that took place on February 27. It was passed with the support of 65.2% of voters, as published by the Belarusian central elections commission. It gave Lukashenko far-reaching tools to stay in power until 2035 and especially significant is a clause that scraps Belarus’ status as a neutral, non-nuclear power in the constitution – causing Belarus to be further connected with Russia and increasing fears over Belarus’ integration with its main ally. The EU, US, and UK have already said not to recognise the results of the referendum, which saw a turnout of 78,6%. The political landscape is tightly controlled by Lukashenko and his party, and voting results are possibly manipulated.

Meanwhile, Lukashenko continues to amend laws that increase repression against the opposition and the population. Wearing red and white clothing is punishable, as is shouting opposition slogans such as “Long Live Belarus” criminalised. In May 2022, Belarus introduced the death penalty for “attempting an act of terrorism.” In essence, this practically allows Lukashenko to target opposition activists, who he portrays as “enemies of the state” and often lists as “extremists” or “terrorists.” The law applies to anyone who finds himself on the latter list. The law was implemented during the time that the “Railroad Partisans,” a group that sabotaged railroads in Belarus that stopped the transportation of Russian armed forces and military equipment to the battlefront in Ukraine.

The Belarusian authorities have played a very questionable role during the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Since January 2022, tens of thousands of Russian troops were stationed in Southern Belarus near Gomel. These were allegedly present for a joint military practice mission with Belarusian troops. However, from 24 February onwards, Russian troops used southern Belarus to commence a full-fledged invasion of northern Ukraine – immediately being very near to its capital Kyiv.

Lukashenko has repeatedly voiced his support for Putin’s war in Ukraine, saying that Russia, and Belarus as well, naturally feel threatened by the West due to sanctions. There have also been reports that show Belarusian forces joining Russian operations in Ukraine’s north. In April 2022, Russia retreated most of its northern and Belarusian-stationed forces toward an all-out invasion of Ukraine’s Donbas regions.

Since Lukashenko has univocally supported Putin’s actions in Ukraine, and also gave territorial support to Russian troops, the EU, UK, and US have sanctioned Belarus similarly to Russia. The already weak Belarusian economy is suffering considerably from harsh economic sanctions. However, sanctions on Russia are not mirrored to the Lukashenko’s regime.

The Belarusian opposition supports Ukraine and speaks out strongly against Lukashenko’s questionable role in the war. Belarusians are active in Ukraine as part of the volunteer legion fighting alongside Ukraine. More than 1,500 Belarusians are part of the Kastuś Kalinoŭski regiment. Participation in the volunteer legion is punishable in Belarus and considered treason. Other aid to Ukraine is also seen as de facto treason by the Lukashenko regime.

Human Rights and Gender Equality

Human rights in Belarus are not only sometimes cast aside in politics. Reports have shown on multiple occasions that human rights violations frequently occur within Belarus. Also regarding LGBT+ rights, human rights are violated in Belarus. Same-sex relations have been legal since 1994, but homophobia is rife and there are no anti-discrimination laws that protect LGBT+ people. Some state officials, including Lukashenko, have openly expressed homophobic views.

Activists say violence has been routine in the LGBT+ community for years, but victims rarely speak out because of the high risk of social stigmatisation and the accompanying re-traumatisation, even by official authorities. Furthermore, the courts in Belarus officially recognize the “hatred motive” for violent crimes, but according to Human Rights Watch, homophobic motives for crime have only been recognised once.

Regarding gender equality, Belarus scores relatively well, ranking 41 out of 146 on the World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Index 2023. Belarus has equal rights for both men and women enshrined in the constitution, and both economic and political participation are relatively gender-equal for the area, with women occupying 40% of the seats in parliament. Nevertheless, Belarussian culture remains conservative and gender stereotypes are pervasive. Lukashenko repeatedly emphasises the distinction between men and women, in which he takes a patriarchal stance towards the “traditional” role of men and women in the economy. Hence, women and men are excluded to take up certain professions. However, this list of professions became more inclusive towards gender over time.  Women’s participation in senior decision-making positions remains low, and gender norms are perpetuated in families and social circumstances. Furthermore, Belarus lacks standalone legislative protections against forms of gender-based discrimination. Movements have been made in politics to create laws to prevent violence in the family, but conservative groups have prevented it up until today.