For a long time, Macedonia has been considered a relative success story in the region: no major conflicts, a fairly successful state-building process, and no territory issues. After years of showing dedication to the Ohrid Agreement – the 2001 peace deal between the Macedonian government and ethnic Albanians – and implementing reforms, the country received EU candidate status in December 2005. The promises of EU and NATO membership (by 2008 the criteria for entering NATO were fulfilled) are important tools in uniting Macedonians with Albanian minorities. However, despite UN mediation, the long-standing name dispute with Greece has been stagnating the EU integration process and NATO membership as Greece has been vetoing the opening of the accession negotiations. It is during the accession negotiations that the EU has the most leverage and influence on structural and sustainable reforms – for example on rule of law and fundamental rights – in a candidate state.
In addition, the ruling conservative VMRO-DPMNE party of Nikola Gruevski, in power between 2006 and 2016, misused the lack of progress on the European road to establish an authoritarian regime and to engage in a nationalist identity-building project. Defending their activities under the slogan ‘at least we built something’ the government invested hundreds of millions of euros in building marble Greek-style statues, fountains, and buildings, turning the capital in something close to a theme park.
In the context of nationalism, ethnic conflicts are influencing the political landscape. Due to the demand for the Albanian language to be the second official language used by the Government, and opposition leader Zoran Zaev's attempts to form a coalition with Albanian ethnic parties, the situation in Macedonia has been far from stable. For example, after the 2014 elections, a deep political conflict arose from a governmental wiretap-scandal. Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski resigned on 15 January 2016 because of the political tensions. New parliamentary elections were held on 11 December 2016.
VMRO-DPMNE has been accused of obstructing the government formations that followed, in order to circumvent prosecution for corruption. Six months after the elections, in May 2017, a coalition was formed between the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), the Democratic Union for Integration (DUI), and the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA).
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- 2,078,453 million (World Bank 2015 est.)
- Governmental Type:
- Parliamentary democracy
- Ruling Coalition:
- SDSM, DUI, DPA
- Last Elections:
- 11 December 2016 (parliamentary elections)
- Next Elections:
- 2019 (presidential elections)
- Sister Parties:
- Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM)
Macedonia is a parliamentary republic with the prime minister as the head of government. The political organisation of the country was determined in the 1991 Constitution.
The Assembly, or the Sobrania, is the only chamber of parliament and comprises 123 members. The assembly members are elected by proportional representation for a four-year term in office. In general elections, Macedonia is divided into six constituencies electing 120 MPs each. Three seats are elected by representatives of the Macedonian citizens living abroad: one from Europe, one from North America and one from Asia and Australia.
The combination of a lack of European perspective and nationalism has proved to be a serious threat to democracy and stability in Macedonia: manipulation and fraud at the elections, control over the judiciary and weakening of the rule of law and media freedom, a non-functioning parliament and growing dissatisfaction among the Albanian minority.
Parliamentary elections of 2016
Following the resignation of PM Nikola Gruevski new elections took place on 11 December 2016. Gruevski had been in power since 2006 up to 18 January 2016, in a coalition with the Albanian party; Democratic Union for Integration (DUI).
Pressure on 2016 elections
In recent years, the opposition boycotted the parliament multiple times. They did this because the previous elections often lacked transparency and were rigged. Eventually, the opposition did not want to participate in the parliamentary process. The incumbent party repeatedly dismissed these claims, adding that the opposition is simply afraid to go to the ballot box. Following this, the State Electoral Commission decided to investigate if registered voters were actually deceased, lacked citizenship or did not have the right age. Eventually the opposition also received the support of the EU and the US to their critique of democracy in Macedonia. On 21 February 2016, the EU and the US sent a joint letter pressuring the government to postpone the date of the elections. Initially elections were set for 24 April 2016, but they were postponed to 5 June 2016. The letter further declared that not all conditions needed to organise credible elections had been met, such as the clean-up of the electoral roll, the creation of a level playing field for all political players, media reforms ensuring objective and unbiased election coverage and measures to separate state and party political activities. As such, the external interference arranged prerequisites for the elections. As the above mentioned main conditions were not met on time it was decided to postpone the elections again, this time to December 2016.
Lead up to Gruevski’s resignation: the wiretapping scandal
In 2015 opposition leader Zaev from the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM) accused Gruevski and the secret police of wiretapping over 20.000 people including ministers, opposition politicians, journalists, judges, foreign ambassadors and activists. The Special Prosecution Office (SJO) led the investigation into the wiretaps and pressed charges against high ranked government officials, including the prime minister and minister of interior. Nonetheless, President Ivanov pardoned all politicians facing criminal investigations in the wiretapping corruption scandal, leading to a peak in political instability in 2016. The mass street protests that followed this, united Macedonians and Albanians in their call for better living standards, the fight against corruption and end of the Gruevski rule. Pressured by the EU and US, Gruevski agreed to step down and call early elections. The EU mediated Przino Agreement between position and opposition determined that SDSM would take part in the transition government that would prepare free and fair elections. The main conditions were to establish an independent public broadcaster and to clean up the voting register.
The Ministry of Interior knows who are present to vote and can falsify the documents of those who are not present to give their identities to loyalists. The implementation of the Przino Agreement turned out being challenging, pushing the elections even further to 11 December 2016.
Political crisis of 2014-2015
The 2014 parliamentary elections led to a deep political crisis in Macedonia. In disagreement with the election result, the SDSM party decided to block the parliament. This deadlock-situation exaggerated when the party started releasing wiretapped materials. The opposition accused government officials of electoral fraud, abuse of the legal system and the illegal surveillance of citizens. PM Gruevski and other government officials stated repeatedly that the tapes were "created by foreign secret services" and were attempts of the opposition to destabilize the country. Moreover, Gruevski publicly accused Zaev of “espionage” and “violence towards high-level officials”. Right after this public statement, the public prosecutor charged Zaev with espionage and with making violent threats aimed at the government to undermine the goals of the constitutional order.
The situation escalated in May, when audio tapes were published in which Nikola Gruevski, Interior Affairs Minister, Gordana Jankuloska, the Chief of Intelligence, and other officials can be heard discussing how to "cover up" the killing of a man during protests in 2011 in order to prevent government responsibility. During protests that followed the 2011 general elections, a 22-year old man, Martin Neskovski, was beaten to death by a police officer. According to eyewitnesses, he was killed due to excessive police violence, which stirred huge demonstrations among Macedonians during the following days. Initially governmental sources denied that the police officer in question was on duty that day, and issued a statement that the government could thus not be held responsible for the murder. Though, according to the wiretapped conversations, the Prime Minister’s Chief of Security, Dejan Mitrevski Urko, contacted the police officer that night, which according to the opposition showed that the government could be held responsible.
These publications were followed by massive demonstrations on the streets of Skopje in May. As a reaction to the anti-government rally, government supporters also started their own pro-government rally. In June, the position and opposition reached an EU-brokered agreement to hold early elections in April 2016.
Political crisis December 2012 – March 2013
The political crisis started with a disagreement over the draft budget for 2013. On Christmas Eve 2012, during a session of the parliament, the budget was on the agenda, but the main opposition party SDSM stated that instead of following the principles and rules commonly used during such a session, several violations took place. Draft versions were kept away from opposition MPs including the SDSM, which were not able to get voting cards, while media representatives could not work freely in the room. After opposing the constitutional and legal breaches, scuffles broke out between members of the ruling centre-right VMRO-DPMNE party and the SDSM MPs in which opposition members were forcibly evicted from the plenary room. Before this outburst of violence, all journalists had already been removed from the room, either on their own feet or dragged by policemen.
Following this event, the SDSM decided to boycott the parliament sessions, which ultimately lasted for more than two months and threatened to derail local elections that were supposed to be held on 24 March 2013. The SDSM stated that it would renounce the boycott only when the local elections were held together with early parliamentary elections.
These events have triggered a succession of demonstrations in Macedonia. On 19 February a former leader of the now disbanded ethnic Albanian separatist armed group, was chosen to become the new Minister of Defence. In a reaction to this appointment, clashes took place in Skopje against ethnic Albanians of Macedonians, which was followed days later by a violent demonstration of ethnic Albanians.
The political crisis was resolved at the beginning of March, after a mediation effort by EU Enlargement Commissioner at that time, Štefan Füle, and European Parliament Rapporteur for Macedonia, Richard Howitt (S&D Group in the EP). The SDSM agreed on 1 March to return to parliament and to run in the local elections. These elections were held on 25 March and 7 April. Victory was declared by Macedonia’s ruling VMRO-DPMNE, under the lead of Nikola Gruevski.
The country, which had been relatively spared from inter-ethnic violence after the break-up of Yugoslavia, underwent great tensions from 2001 onwards, when the Albanian minority started demanding more rights. The 1998-1999 war in Kosovo forced thousands of Albanians to flee to Macedonia. Since then, the Ohrid Agreement, signed with the support of the European Union and NATO, had guaranteed a unitary Macedonian state, reinforced by its EU candidate status since 2005. Nonetheless, violence keeps on sparking regularly. In March 2013, riots started from the Macedonian side after Talat Xhaferi, a former Albanian guerrilla commander, was appointed as defence minister. In April that same year, Johan Tarculovski, the only Macedonian convicted of war crimes against Albanians by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, was granted a hero’s welcome as he came back to Skopje, raising disagreement from the Albanian community. Winter 2013 saw the opposition of the two ethnic groups over the building of a new Orthodox Christian Church in a Muslim-dominated village.
Women and minority representation
The first real changes in women representation in parliament were reached after the 2002 elections. The percentage of female deputies rose from 7.5 percent (1998) to 17.5 percent. After the 2008 parliamentary elections, this share went further up to 32.5 percent. The rise in women participation was facilitated by the successful lobbying campaign of different women rights NGO's to secure a constitutional amendment obligating parties to include at least 30 percent women candidates in their election lists.
After the reforms necessitated by the Ohrid Agreement, minority representation has increased. From the 2006 until the 2008 parliamentary elections, the DPA was the main vehicle for Albanian representation in government, despite being the smaller of the two ethnic Albanian parties. This led to resentment with the DUI, and considerable tensions between supporters of the two parties. After the 2008 elections, Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski announced that the ruling 'For a better Macedonia' coalition would from now on govern in a coalition with the biggest ethnic Albanian party, which is the DUI with 18 seats. Several minority lists of smaller minorities were also part of the 'For a better Macedonia' coalition, including lists of Macedonian Serbs and Turks.
Despite their increasing representation, Albanians still claim unequal involvement in government ministries and public enterprises. The US Department of State’s 2013 Country Report on Human Rights Practices underlined that out of the 123 seats in parliament, only 23 were obtained by Albanians, while other ethnic minorities accounted for 13 seats. These figures contradict the Ohrid Agreement principles, which stated that “the multi-ethnic character of Macedonia’s society must be preserved and reflected in public life”, notably in the public administration. Rural inhabitants, for their part, nourish resentment towards the State, blamed for hiding issues of corruption and absence of integration policies through destabilising the country.
During the elections of 2016, 41 percent of the candidates were women, although only 4 topped the 58 lists. This high percentage is also due to the enhanced quota on women’s participation. Eventually 33 percent of parliament is female.
Parliamentary elections of December 2016
The election results were surprising because both VMRO DPMNE and the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM) claimed victory due to an extremely close finish. It turned out that VMRO DPMNE had 38 percent of the votes, while SDSM had 36.7 percent, leading to 51 and 49 seats respectively. The result of this election was surprising because many people expected VMRO DPMNE to come out with a clear victory. A lot of people in Macedonia are dependent on governmental and municipal jobs, leading to a large dependency on the previous ruling party, the VMRO DPMNE. It appears that the actions of the transition government have been successful and the independent public broadcaster and cleaning up of the voting register helped to make the elections more fair. DUI, an Albanian party which was previously in coalition with VMRO DPMNE, lost the most seats; going from 19 to 10 seats. Other Albanian parties have a total of 10 seats; Besa with 5 seats, DPA-led Movement of Reforms has 3 seats and DPA 2. In order to have a majority, parties need 61 seats.
|Social Democratic Union Macedonia (SDSM)||436.981||37.87 %||49|
|Democratic Union for Integration (DUI)||86.796||7.52 %||10|
|Besa Movement||57.868||5.01 %||5|
|Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA)||30.964||2.68 %||2|
|DPA-led Movement for Reforms||35.121||3.04 %||3|
The results show that if VMRO-DPMNE would have formed a coalition with DUI, they would have had enough seats to claim the victory. However, this coalition was very unlikely due to DUI’s former coalition with VMRO-DPMNE. DUI lost a lot of popularity, as they implemented policies that Albanians were not happy with. Particularly with the local elections coming up in May 2017, DUI cannot afford to lose more popularity. Moreover, all potential coalition partners agreed that they did not want any people in the government who are being investigated by the special prosecution, meaning that the VMRO-DPMNE would not be able to create any coalition except if they would get a different party leader.
Eventually, VMRO DMPNE missed its deadline to form a government, stating that it wants new elections. After VMRO-DPMNE was accused of obstructing the government formations that followed, in order to circumvent prosecution for corruption, the opposition party SDSM came in sight.
As the SDSM was the leading opposition party, President Gjorge Ivanov initially wanted to prevent Zaev from forming a government with parties representing Macedonia’s ethnic Albanians. He argued that such a coalition would undermine Macedonia's territorial integrity. He also assumed that this would give the minority expanded rights and power, even though Zaev promised to "guarantee the protection of the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the independent and multi-ethnic Macedonia".
To ease the dispute, Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama asked all Macedonian Albanian parties to meet with him. Surprisingly, they all agreed, and DUI was brought together with the BESA and the DPA. They signed a joint declaration with seven conditions mainly regarding the position of Albanians, which will serve as a platform for their future participation in any government.
The EU and NATO then urged the president to allow government formations with the involvement of the opposition. As there was no constitutional rule on the happenings, the president decided that he wants proof of a parliamentary majority before handing anyone a mandate to form a government. Eventually a coalition was formed six months after the elections in May 2017, between the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), the Democratic Union for Integration (DUI), and the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA).
Presidential elections of 2014
As mentioned above, general elections were held in 2014 to elect a new president as well as a new parliament. The first round of the presidential elections was held on 13 April, in which incumbent president Gjorge Ivanov took the lead with 51.69 percent of the votes. However, a second round was held on 27 April as Ivanov did not receive the support of 50 percent of all the registered voters. Ivanov gained 55.27 percent of the votes in this second round and therefore won the elections.
|Candidate||% of votes in first round||% of votes in second round|
|Gjorge Ivanov (VMRO-DPMNE)||51.69 %||55.27 %|
|Stevo Pendarovski (SDSM)||37.51 %||41.14 %|
|Illijaz Halima (DPA)||4.48 %||-|
|Zoran Popovski(GROM)||3.61 %||-|
Turnout in the first round was 48.86 percent and in the second round 54.36 percent.
NGO – Research Organisations
- British Helsinki Human Rights Group
- Freedom House
- Foundation Robert Schuman
- Hans Boeckler Stiftung
- Heinrich Boell Stiftung
- International Crisis Group (IGC)
- International IDEA
- New York University Law School: East European Constitutional Review
- Transparency International
- Economist Intelligence Unit
- CNN.com International
- Euractiv.com (Inc. article from the Centre for European Policy Studies)
- Institute for War Peace Reporting
- MIA news agency
- Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty
- Transitions Online
- CIA World Factbook
- Republic of Macedonia Agency of Information
- Macedonian State Election Commission
- UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office Country Profiles
- European Commission: The EU’s relations with South East Europe
- Election Reports
- Crook, Nick and Michael Dauderstädt, André Gerrits: “Social Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe” (Amsterdam:2002)
- Development Strategies, Italy, and Institutional Development Consultancy, France
- “Evaluation of the EC’s Country Strategy in FYR Macedonia for the years 1996-2001”
- Lampe, John, R., Yugoslavia as History: Twice there was a Country, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000
- Institute for Sociological, Political and Juridical Research “Political Parties Development in the Republic of Macedonia” –, Skopje (issue 6, September 2002)